Twelve Suggestions for Dealing with the Tibetan Situation by Some Chinese

Below is the text of their open letter to Chinese government.

1. At present the one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is
having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an
already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the long-term goal
of safeguarding national unity. We call for such propaganda to be stopped.

2. We support the Dalai Lama’s appeal for peace, and hope that the ethnic
conflict can be dealt with according to the principles of goodwill, peace,
and non-violence. We condemn any violent act against innocent people,
strongly urge the Chinese government to stop the violent suppression, and
appeal to the Tibetan people likewise not to engage in violent activities.

3. The Chinese government claims that “there is sufficient evidence to prove
this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated by
the Dalai clique.” We hope that the government will show proof of this. In
order to change the international community’s negative view and distrustful
attitude, we also suggest that the government invite the United Nation’s
Commission on Human Rights to carry out an independent investigation of the
evidence, the course of the incident, the number of casualties, etc.

4. In our opinion, such Cultural-Revolution-like language as “the Dalai Lama
is a jackal in Buddhist monk’s robes and an evil spirit with a human face
and the heart of a beast” used by the Chinese Communist Party leadership in
the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the situation, nor is it
beneficial to the Chinese government’s image. As the Chinese government is
committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain that
it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of
modern civilization.

5. We note that on the very day when the violence erupted in Lhasa (March
14), the leaders of the Tibet Autonomous Region declared that “there is
sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated, and
meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique.” This shows that the
authorities in Tibet knew in advance that the riot would occur, yet did
nothing effective to prevent the incident from happening or escalating. If
there was a dereliction of duty, a serious investigation must be carried out
to determine this and deal with it accordingly.

6. If in the end it cannot be proved that this was an organized,
premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated event but was instead a ‘popular
revolt’ triggered by events, then the authorities should pursue those
responsible for inciting the popular revolt and concocting false information
to deceive the Central Government and the people; they should also seriously
reflect on what can be learned from this event so as to avoid taking the
same course in the future.

7. We strongly demand that the authorities not subject every Tibetan to
political investigation or revenge. The trials of those who have been
arrested must be carried out according to judicial procedures that are open,
just, and transparent so as to ensure that all parties are satisfied.

8. We urge the Chinese government to allow credible national and
international media to go into Tibetan areas to conduct independent
interviews and news reports. In our view, the current news blockade cannot
gain credit with the Chinese people or the international community, and is
harmful to the credibility of the Chinese government. If the government
grasps the true situation, it need not fear challenges. Only by adopting an
open attitude can we turn around the international community‚s distrust of
our government.

9. We appeal to the Chinese people and overseas Chinese to be calm and
tolerant, and to reflect deeply on what is happening. Adopting a posture of
aggressive nationalism will only invite antipathy from the international
community and harm China’s international image.

10. The disturbances in Tibet in the 1980s were limited to Lhasa, whereas
this time they have spread to many Tibetan areas. This deterioration
indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done
with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must
conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and
fundamentally change the failed nationality policies.

11. In order to prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the
government must abide by the freedom of religious belief and the freedom of
speech explicitly enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, thereby allowing
the Tibetan people fully to express their grievances and hopes, and
permitting citizens of all nationalities freely to criticize and make
suggestions regarding the government’s nationality policies.

12. We hold that we must eliminate animosity and bring about national
reconciliation, not continue to increase divisions between nationalities. A
country that wishes to avoid the partition of its territory must first avoid
divisions among its nationalities. Therefore, we appeal to the leaders of
our country to hold direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. We hope that the
Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the misunderstandings between
them, develop their interactions with each other, and achieve unity.
Government departments as much as popular organizations and religious
figures should make great efforts toward this goal.

Signatures:

Wang Lixiong (Beijing, Writer)
Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, Freelance Writer)
Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, scholar of constitutionalism)
Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, Chinese Muslim)
Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist)
Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor)
Jiang peikun (Beijing, professor)
Yu Jie (Beijing, writer)
Sun Wenguang (Shangdong, professor)
Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, Tujia nationality)
Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer)
Teng Biao (Beijing, Layer and scholar)
Liao Yiwu ()Sichuan, writer)
Wang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar)
Zhang Xianling (Beijing, engineer)
Xu Jue (Beijing, research fellow)
Li Jun (Gansu, photographer)
Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist)
Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer)
Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer)
Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer)
Liu Yi (Gansu, painter)
Xu Hui (Beijing, writer)
Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar)
Wen kejian (Hangzhou, freelance)
Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer)
Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, folk human rights activists)
Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist)
Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)
Liu Di (Beijing, freelance writer)